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1、装订线毕业设计（论文）报告纸Journalism.org Pew Research Centers Project for Excellence in Journalism New Media Old Media How Blogs and Social Media Agendas Relate and Differ from the Traditional Press. News today is increasingly a shared, social experience. Half of Americans say they rely on the people around the
2、m to find out at least some of the news they need to know. 1 Some 44% of online news users get news at least a few times a week through emails, automatic updates or posts from social networking sites. In 2009, Twitters monthly audience increased by 200%. 2 While most original reporting still comes f
3、rom traditional journalists, technology makes it increasingly possible for the actions of citizens to influence a storys total impact. What types of news stories do consumers share and discuss the most? What issues do they have less interest in? What is the interplay of the various new media platfor
4、ms? And how do their agendas compare with that of the mainstream press? To answer these questions, the Pew Research Centers Project for Excellence in Journalism has gathered a year of data on the top news stories discussed and linked to on blogs and social media pages and seven months worth on Twitt
5、er. We also have analyzed a year of the most viewed news-related videos on YouTube. Several clear trends emerge. Most broadly, the stories and issues that gain traction in social media differ substantially from those that lead in the mainstream press. But they also differ greatly from each other. Of
6、 the 29 weeks that we tracked all three social platforms, blogs, Twitter and YouTube shared the same top story just once. That was the week of June 15-19, when the protests that followed the Iranian elections led on all three. Each social media platform also seems to have its own personality and fun
7、ction. In the year studied, bloggers gravitated toward stories that elicited emotion, concerned individual or group rights or triggered ideological passion. Often these were stories that people could personalize and then share in the social forum at times in highly partisan language. And unlike in s
8、ome other types of media, the partisanship here does not lean strongly to one side or the other. Even on stories like the Tea Party protests, Sarah Palin and public support for Obama both conservative and liberal voices come through strongly. On Twitter, by contrast, technology is a major focus with
9、 a heavy prominence on Twitter itself while politics plays a much smaller role. The mission is primarily about passing along important often breaking information in a way that unifies or assumes shared values within the Twitter community.And the breaking news that trumped all else across Twitter in
10、2009 focused on the protests following the Iranian election. It led as the top news story on Twitter for seven weeks in a row a feat not reached by any other news story on any of the platforms studied. YouTube has still other characteristics that set it apart. Here, users dont often add comments or
11、additional insights but instead take part by selecting from millions of videos and sharing. Partly as a result, the most watched videos have a strong sense of serendipity. They pique interest and curiosity with a strong visual appeal. The “Hey youve got to see this,” mentality rings strong. Users al
12、so gravitate toward a much broader international mix here as videos transcend language barriers in a way that written text cannot. Across all three social platforms, though, attention spans are brief. Just as news consumers dont stay long on any website, social media doesnt stay long on any one stor
13、y. On blogs, 53% of the lead stories in a given week stay on the list no more than three days. On Twitter that is true of 72% of lead stories, and more than half (52%) are on the list for just 24 hours. And most of those top weekly stories differ dramatically from what is receiving attention in the
14、traditional press. Blogs overlap more than Twitter, but even there only about a quarter of the top stories in any given week were the same as in the “MSM.” Instead, social media tend to home in on stories that get much less attention in the mainstream press. And there is little evidence, at least at
15、 this point, of the traditional press then picking up on those stories in response. Across the entire year studied, just one particular story or event the controversy over emails relating to global research that came to be known as “ Climate-gate ” became a major item in the blogosphere and then, a
16、week later , gaining more traction in traditional media. These are some conclusions drawn from one of the first comprehensive empirical assessments of the relationships between social media and the more traditional press. The study examined the blogosphere and social media by tracking the news linke
17、d to on millions of blogs and social media pages tracked by Icerocket and Technorati from January 19, 2009, through January 15, 2010. 3 It also tracked the videos on YouTubes news channel for the same period. It measured Twitter by tracking news stories linked to within tweets as monitored by Tweetm
18、eme from June 15, 2009, through January 15, 2010. 4Among the specific findings: Social media and the mainstream press clearly embrace different agendas. Blogs shared the same lead story with traditional media in just 13 of the 49 weeks studied.Twitter was even less likely to share the traditional me
19、dia agenda the lead story matched that of the mainstream press in just four weeks of the 29 weeks studied. On YouTube, the top stories overlapped with traditional media eight out of 49 weeks. The stories that gain traction in social media do so quickly, often within hours of initial reports, and lea
20、ve quickly as well. Just 5% of the top five stories on Twitter remained among the top stories the following week. This was true of 13% of the top stories on blogs and 9% on YouTube. In the mainstream press, on the other hand, fully 50% of the top five stories one week remained a top story a week lat
21、er. Politics, so much a focus of cable and radio talk programming, has found a place in blogs and on YouTube. On blogs, 17% of the top five linked-to stories in a given week were about US government or politics, often accompanied by emphatic personal analysis or evaluations. These topics were even m
22、ore prevalent among news videos on YouTube, where they accounted for 21% of all top stories. On Twitter, however, technology stories were linked to far more than anything else, accounting for 43% of the top five stories in a given week and 41% of the lead items. By contrast, technology filled 1% of
23、the newshole in the mainstream press during the same period. While social media players espouse a different agenda than the mainstream media, blogs still heavily rely on the traditional press and primarily just a few outlets within that for their information. More than 99% of the stories linked to i
24、n blogs came from legacy outlets such as newspapers and broadcast networks.。 And just four the BBC, CNN, the New York Times and the Washington Post accounted for fully 80% of all links.Twitter, by contrast, was less tied to traditional media. Here half (50%) of the links were to legacy outlets; 40%
25、went to web-only news sources such as Mashable and CNET.The remaining 10% went to wire stories or non-news sources on the Web such as a blog known as “Green Briefs,” which summarized daily developments during the June protests in Iran. The most popular news videos on YouTube, meanwhile, stood out fo
26、r having a broader international mix. A quarter, 26%, of the top watched news videos were of non-US events, primarily those with a strong visual appeal such as raw footage of Pope Benedict XVI getting knocked over during Mass on Christmas Eve or a clip of a veteran Brazilian news anchor getting caug
27、ht insulting some janitors without realizing his microphone was still live. Celebrity and media-focused videos were also given significant prominence.In producing PEJs New Media Index, the basis for this study, there are some challenges posed by the breath of potential outlets. There are literally m
28、illions of blogs and tweets produced each day. To make that prospect manageable, the study observes the “news” interests of those people utilizing social media, as classified by the tracking websites. PEJ did not make a determination as to what constitutes a news story as opposed to some other topic
29、, but generally, areas outside the traditional notion of news such as gardening, sports or other hobbies are not in the purview of content. By focusing on this type of subject matter, the study creates a close comparison between the news agenda of users of social media and of the more traditional ne
30、ws media. This approach could tend to make the agendas of the mainstream and new media platforms appear even more similar than they would be if a wider array of subject matter were practicable to capture. Thus the divergent agendas found here, if anything, are even more striking.Note:1 .http:/www.jo
31、urnalism.org/analysis_report/understanding_participatory_news_consumer 2 . 3. For the NMI, the priorities of bloggers and users of Twitter are measured in terms of percentage of links. Each time a news blog or social media Web page adds a link to its site directing its readers to a news story, it su
32、ggests that the author places at least some importance on the content of that article. The user may or may not agree with the contents of the article, but they feel it is important enough to draw the readers attention to it.4. There were three weeks in 2009 when no NMI was produced: March 2-6, Novem
33、ber 16-20, and December 14-18. 新媒体与旧媒体 博客和社会媒体议程的关系如何不同于传统的新闻。今天的新闻越来越多地是共享的，社会的经验。一半的美国人说他们依靠他们周围的人，知道至少他们需要知道的有一些消息。1约44%的在线新闻用户一个星期至少有几次通过电子邮件，自动更新或从社交网站上的公告得到新闻消息。在2009年，Twitter的每月使用者增加了200%。2 而最原始的报道仍然来自传统的记者，技术使公民的行为变得越来越可能影响到报道的整体。 什么类型的新闻报道消费者共享并讨论地最多呢？什么问题他们比较少的感兴趣呢？什么是各种新媒体平台的相互作用？其议程设置与主流
34、媒体相比较又如何呢？ 为了回答这些问题，皮尤研究中心卓越新闻项目已经聚集了一年的数据，关于博客和社交媒体网页上联系和讨论的头条新闻和七个月的在Twitter上讨论的有价值信息。我们还分析了一年来YouTube上最受欢迎的与新闻有关的视频。出现几个明显的趋势。最广泛的，社交媒体网页上受关注的新闻报道和问题与主流媒体上的有很大的不同。但他们彼此也有很大的不同。29周以来，我们跟踪调查了所有三个社交媒体平台，博客，Twitter和YouTube，他们只有一次头条新闻是相同的。这是6月15日-6月19日，抗议伊朗选举时，这则新闻都是他们三个的头条。每一个社会媒体平台似乎也有其自己的个性和功能。经过一年
35、的研究，博客趋向于发表引起情感的，有关个人或群体的权利的，或引发思想激情的新闻报道或故事。往往这些都是些故事，人们可以将其个性化，然后共享在社会论坛 - 有的时候是高于党派性的语言。而不像一些其他类型的媒体，党派之争在这里不会强烈而分明地倾向于一党或者另一党。甚至像茶党抗议这样的事件，萨拉佩林和奥巴马的公众支持者，保守派和自由派的声音都很强烈。相比之下，在Twitter上，技术是一大重点 - 与Twitter本身侧重的重点一样 - 而政治发挥了作用小得多。它的主要任务是传递重要的新闻信息，经常是突发性的大事，信息以这样的方式传递统一或假设Twitter的社区内有着共同的价值观。2009年里Tw
36、itter上胜过其他一切重大新闻的是集中在伊朗大选后的抗议。它导致了连续7周在Twitter作为头条新闻故事 - 任何平台研究上的任何新闻报道中的未完成的壮举。YouTube在设置上仍有它的其他特点。在这里，用户不经常补充意见或额外的见解，而是选择从数以百万计的视频中分享其中的一部分。可以作为部分结果，最受瞩目的影片都意外的拥有相同的强烈责任感。他们用强烈的视觉吸引力激起兴趣和好奇心。“嘿，你已经看到了这一点”心理反应强烈。用户在这里也被吸引走向更广阔的国际融合，因为视频作品能够逾越文字无法逾越的语言鸿沟。虽然，所有的三个社交平台，注意力都是短暂的。正如新闻消费者不留任何网站，社会媒体不留任何
37、一个故事。在博客，53%的头条新闻在某一周的列表上没有超过三天。在twitter上，这个数据是72%，超过半数（52%）头条新闻在列表上仅仅24小时。 这些每周头条的大部分与传统主流媒体上受关注的新闻有着戏剧性的差别。博客与传统媒体的重叠远超过twitter，但即使这样，每周也只有三分之一的头条与传统媒体相同。相反，社会媒体关注的往往是家中故事，这在主流媒体上的关注度要小得多。这里几乎没有证据，至少在这一点上，传统印刷物会回应性地从这些故事中摘抄一些。在整个一年的研究中，只有一个特别的故事或事件-争议过电子邮件与全球性的研究，后来被称为“ 气候门 ” -在博客中成为一个备受关注的热点，然后，一
38、个星期后，在传统媒体中获得了更多的关注。 这些都是从第一个网络社交媒体和传统媒体之间的关系的综合实证评估中得出的一些结论。研究通过Icerocket和Technorati跟踪调查2009年1月19日到2010年1月15日间百万计的博客和网络社交媒介网页上的新闻链接来检验博客和社交媒介。他们同时跟踪同一时间阶段YouTube上的新闻频道。他们衡量twitter通过跟踪2009年6月15日到2010年1月15日间的新闻报道。4其中的具体结果：社交媒体和主流媒体清楚地拥有不同的议程。博客与传统媒体拥有相同的头条主题，只是在研究中的49分之13周。 Twitter有着更小地可能性与传统媒体共享议程与传
39、统媒体有相同头条主题的只是研究中的29分之4周。YouTube上的头条新闻与传统媒体相同的是49分之8周。新闻事件在网络社交媒体上获得关注如此之快，经常是最初报道的几小时内，但是消逝的同样快。在Twitter上的头5条新闻事件只有5%在接下来的一周仍然名列表单。这个数据在博客和YouTube上是9%和13%。另一方面，在传统主流媒体上，这周的前五条新闻报道足足有50%在接下来一周保留在前列。政治，与其说是有线电视和电台脱口秀节目的焦点，在博客和YouTube上已经找到了自己的位置。博客上，每一周排行前五的新闻报道链接有17%是有关美国政府或政治的，往往伴随着有力的个人分析或评论。这在YouTu
40、be的新闻视频上更加普遍，所有的头条新闻故事中有21%关于美国政府与政治。然而，在Twitter上，技术性的故事远远比什么都重要，每周排行前五的头条中占43%，排行前列中占41%。相比之下，在同一阶段技术填补了主流媒体的1%的新闻空白。虽然网络社交媒体拥有与主流媒体不同的议程，博客仍然在很大程度上依赖于传统媒体他们的信息中主要只有很少一些来自传统网点。挂在博客的新闻故事超过99%来自于传统的网点，如报纸和广播电视网。短短四年 - BBC，CNN和纽约时报和华盛顿邮报完全占80%的链接。 相比之下，Twitter的，较少依赖传统媒体。这里一半的链接（50%）是到传统的网点，40%到单纯的新闻网站
41、上，如混搭和CNET新闻来源。 余下的10%链接到在线故事或网上非新闻来源，比如一个被称为“绿色简报”的博客，总结了6月在伊朗的抗议行动的每天最新发展。在YouTube上最受欢迎的新闻视频，同时，因为有着更广阔的国际融合而脱颖而出。三分之一，26，关注度最高的新闻视频是无关美国的事件，首先是这些有着强烈视觉吸引力的，比如教皇本尼迪克十六世在盛大的平安夜撞倒在地下，或一段视频关于巴西的资深新闻主播在直播时被抓到侮辱看门人，因为没有意识到他的麦克风没有关掉。名人和媒体关注看重的视频也获得显着突出。 在生产PEJ的新媒体指数，这项研究的基础上，有潜在网点的气息所带来的一些挑战。每一天有数以百万计的博
42、客和tweets产生。为了使这一前景可管理，这项研究调查了这些人使用社交媒介的新闻兴趣，作为跟踪网站的分类。PEJ没有做出什么决定来构成一个反对其他话题的新闻事件，但一般的，新闻传统观念外的领域比如园艺、体育或者其他兴趣爱好不在内容的权限内。通过重点研究这种类型题材，研究建立一个社交媒体用户和传统新闻媒体之间的新闻议程的密切比较。这种方法往往使主流媒体的议程和新媒体平台出现比他们会更类似的题材广泛的阵列切实可行的捕捉。因此，不同的议程在这里找到，如果有的话，是更加惊人。注脚： 1 .http:/www.journalism.org/analysis_report/understanding_p
43、articipatory_news_consumer 2. 3.对于NMI，博客和Twitter用户的优先次序，在链接的百分比衡量。每次新闻博客或社交媒体网页添加一个链接到其网站引导读者到一个新闻故事，它表明作者的位置对文章的内容，至少是有一些重要的。用户可能会或可能不同意文章的内容，但他们觉得这是很重要的，足以吸引读者的注意力。 4.在2009年时有三星期，没有NMI的产生：3月2日-6日，11月16日-20日和12月14日-18日。五分钟搞定5000字毕业论文外文翻译，你想要的工具都在这里!在科研过程中阅读翻译外文文献是一个非常重要的环节，许多领域高水平的文献都是外文文献，借鉴一些外文文献
44、翻译的经验是非常必要的。由于特殊原因我翻译外文文献的机会比较多，慢慢地就发现了外文文献翻译过程中的三大利器：Google“翻译”频道、金山词霸（完整版本）和CNKI“翻译助手。具体操作过程如下： 1.先打开金山词霸自动取词功能，然后阅读文献； 2.遇到无法理解的长句时，可以交给Google处理，处理后的结果猛一看，不堪入目，可是经过大脑的再处理后句子的意思基本就明了了； 3.如果通过Google仍然无法理解，感觉就是不同，那肯定是对其中某个“常用单词”理解有误，因为某些单词看似很简单，但是在文献中有特殊的意思，这时就可以通过CNKI的“翻译助手”来查询相关单词的意思，由于CNKI的单词意思都是
45、来源与大量的文献，所以它的吻合率很高。 另外，在翻译过程中最好以“段落”或者“长句”作为翻译的基本单位，这样才不会造成“只见树木，不见森林”的误导。四大工具： 1、Google翻译： google，众所周知，谷歌里面的英文文献和资料还算是比较详实的。我利用它是这样的。一方面可以用它查询英文论文，当然这方面的帖子很多，大家可以搜索，在此不赘述。回到我自己说的翻译上来。下面给大家举个例子来说明如何用吧比如说“电磁感应透明效应”这个词汇你不知道他怎么翻译，首先你可以在CNKI里查中文的，根据它们的关键词中英文对照来做，一般比较准确。 在此主要是说在google里怎么知道这个翻译意思。大家应该都有词典
46、吧，按中国人的办法，把一个一个词分着查出来，敲到google里，你的这种翻译一般不太准，当然你需要验证是否准确了，这下看着吧，把你的那支离破碎的翻译在google里搜索，你能看到许多相关的文献或资料，大家都不是笨蛋，看看，也就能找到最精确的翻译了，纯西式的！我就是这么用的。 2、CNKI翻译： CNKI翻译助手，这个网站不需要介绍太多，可能有些人也知道的。主要说说它的有点，你进去看看就能发现：搜索的肯定是专业词汇，而且它翻译结果下面有文章与之对应（因为它是CNKI检索提供的，它的翻译是从文献里抽出来的），很实用的一个网站。估计别的写文章的人不是傻子吧，它们的东西我们可以直接拿来用，当然省事了。网址告诉大家，有兴趣的进去看看，你们就会发现其乐无穷！还是很值得用的。 3、网路版金山词霸（不到1M）： 4、有道在线翻译：翻译时的速度：这里我谈的是电子版和打印版的翻译速度，按个人翻译速度看，打印版的快些，因为看电子版本一是费眼睛，二是如果我们用电脑，可能还经常时不时玩点游戏，或者整点别的，导致最终SPPEED变慢，再之电脑上一些词典（金山词霸等）在专业翻译方面也不是特别好，所以翻译效果不佳。在此本人建议大家购买清华大学编写的好像是国防工业出版社的那本英汉科学技术词典，基本上挺好用。再加上网站如：google CNKI翻译助手，这样我们的翻译速度会提高不少