2022年福建GRE考试模拟卷.docx

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1、2022年福建GRE考试模拟卷本卷共分为1大题50小题,作答时间为180分钟,总分100分,60分及格。一、单项选择题(共50题,每题2分。每题的备选项中,只有一个最符合题意) 1.Swimming Machines 2.Country Music 3.New-Age Transport 4.Swimming Machines 5.New-Age Transport 6.Country Music 7.Country Music 8.New-Age Transport 9.Swimming Machines 10.New-Age Transport 11.Country Music 12.Sw

2、imming Machines 13.New-Age Transport 14.Country Music 15.Swimming Machines 16.Country Music 17.New-Age Transport 18.Swimming Machines 19.Country Music 20.New-Age Transport 21.Swimming Machines 22.Country Music 23.Swimming Machines 24.New-Age Transport 25.Country Music 26.New-Age Transport 27.Swimmin

3、g Machines 28.New-Age Transport 29.Country Music 30.New-Age Transport 31.Rights to remember NEW HN, CONNECTICUT One element of this doctrine is what I call Achilles and his heel. September 11th brought upon America, as once upon Achilles, a schizophrenic sense of both exceptional power and exception

4、al vulnerability. Never has a superpower seemed so powerful and so vulnerable at the same time. The Bush doctrine asked: How can we use our superpower resources to protect our vulnerability The administration has also radically shifted its emphasis on human rights. In 1941, Franklin Delano Roosevelt

5、 called the allies to arms by painting a vision of the world we were trying to make: a post-war world of four fundamental freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, freedom from fear. This framework foreshadowed the post-war human-rights construct-embedded in the Universal

6、Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international covenants that emphasised comprehensive protection of civil and political rights (freedom of speech and religion), economic, social and cultural rights (freedom from want), and freedom from gross violations and persecution (the Refugee Convent

7、ion, the Genocide Convention and the Torture Convention). But Bush administration officials have now reprioritised freedom from fear as the number-one freedom we need to preserve. Freedom from fear has become the obsessive watchword of Americas human-rights policy. Witness five faces of a human-righ

8、ts policy fixated on freedom from fear. (A) Two core tenets of a post-Watergate world had been that our government does not spy on its citizens, and that American citizens should see what our government is doing. But since September 11th, classification of government documents has risen to new heigh

9、ts. The Patriot Act, passed almost without dissent after September 11th, authorises the Defence Department to develop a project to promote something called total information awareness. Under this programme, the government may gather huge amounts of information about citizens without proving they hav

10、e done anything wrong. They can access a citizens records-whether telephone, financial, rental, internet, medical, educational or library-without showing any involvement with terrorism. Internet service providers may be forced to produce records based solely on FBI declarations that the information

11、is for an anti-terrorism investigation. Many absurdities follow: the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, in a study published in September, reports that 20 American peace activists, including nuns and high-school students, were recently flagged as security threats and detained for saying that they w

12、ere travelling to a rally to protest against military aid to Colombia. The entire high-school wrestling team of Juneau, Alaska, was held up at airports seven times just because one member was the son of a retired Coast Guard officer on the FBI watch-list. (B) After September 11th, 1,200 immigrants w

13、ere detained, more than 750 on charges based solely on civil immigration violations. The Justice Departments own inspector general called the attorney generals enforcement of immigration laws indiscriminate and haphazard. The Immigration and Naturalisation Service, which formerly had a mandate for h

14、umanitarian relief as well as for border protection, has been converted into an arm of the Department of Homeland Security. The impact on particular groups has been devastating. The number of refugees resettled in America declined from 90,000 a year before September 11th to less than a third that nu

15、mber, 27,000, this year. The Pakistani population of Atlantic County, New Jersey has fallen by half. (C) Some 660 prisoners from 42 countries are being held in Guantanamo Bay, some for nearly two years. Three children are apparently being detained, including a 13-year-old, several of the detainees a

16、re aged over 70, and one claims to be over 100. Courtrooms are being built to try six detainees, including two British subjects who have been declared eligible for trial by military commission. There have been 32 reported suicide attempts. Yet the administration is literally pouring concrete around

17、its detention policy, spending another $ 25m on buildings in Guantdnamo that will increase the detention capacity to 1,100. (D) In two cases that are quickly working their way to the Supreme Court, Yasser Hamdi and Jose Padilla are two American citizens on American soil who have been designated as e

18、nemy combatants, and who have been accorded no legal channels to assert their rights. The racial disparities in the use of the enemy combatant label are glaring. Contrast, for example, the treatment of Mr Hamdi, from Louisiana but of Saudi Arabian ancestry, with that of John Walker Lindh, the famous

19、 American Taliban, who is a white American from a comfortable family in the San Francisco Bay area. Both are American citizens; both were captured in Afghanistan in late 32.Rights to remember NEW HN, CONNECTICUT One element of this doctrine is what I call Achilles and his heel. September 11th brough

20、t upon America, as once upon Achilles, a schizophrenic sense of both exceptional power and exceptional vulnerability. Never has a superpower seemed so powerful and so vulnerable at the same time. The Bush doctrine asked: How can we use our superpower resources to protect our vulnerability The admini

21、stration has also radically shifted its emphasis on human rights. In 1941, Franklin Delano Roosevelt called the allies to arms by painting a vision of the world we were trying to make: a post-war world of four fundamental freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, freedom f

22、rom fear. This framework foreshadowed the post-war human-rights construct-embedded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international covenants that emphasised comprehensive protection of civil and political rights (freedom of speech and religion), economic, social and cultura

23、l rights (freedom from want), and freedom from gross violations and persecution (the Refugee Convention, the Genocide Convention and the Torture Convention). But Bush administration officials have now reprioritised freedom from fear as the number-one freedom we need to preserve. Freedom from fear ha

24、s become the obsessive watchword of Americas human-rights policy. Witness five faces of a human-rights policy fixated on freedom from fear. (A) Two core tenets of a post-Watergate world had been that our government does not spy on its citizens, and that American citizens should see what our governme

25、nt is doing. But since September 11th, classification of government documents has risen to new heights. The Patriot Act, passed almost without dissent after September 11th, authorises the Defence Department to develop a project to promote something called total information awareness. Under this prog

26、ramme, the government may gather huge amounts of information about citizens without proving they have done anything wrong. They can access a citizens records-whether telephone, financial, rental, internet, medical, educational or library-without showing any involvement with terrorism. Internet servi

27、ce providers may be forced to produce records based solely on FBI declarations that the information is for an anti-terrorism investigation. Many absurdities follow: the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, in a study published in September, reports that 20 American peace activists, including nuns and

28、 high-school students, were recently flagged as security threats and detained for saying that they were travelling to a rally to protest against military aid to Colombia. The entire high-school wrestling team of Juneau, Alaska, was held up at airports seven times just because one member was the son

29、of a retired Coast Guard officer on the FBI watch-list. (B) After September 11th, 1,200 immigrants were detained, more than 750 on charges based solely on civil immigration violations. The Justice Departments own inspector general called the attorney generals enforcement of immigration laws indiscri

30、minate and haphazard. The Immigration and Naturalisation Service, which formerly had a mandate for humanitarian relief as well as for border protection, has been converted into an arm of the Department of Homeland Security. The impact on particular groups has been devastating. The number of refugees

31、 resettled in America declined from 90,000 a year before September 11th to less than a third that number, 27,000, this year. The Pakistani population of Atlantic County, New Jersey has fallen by half. (C) Some 660 prisoners from 42 countries are being held in Guantanamo Bay, some for nearly two year

32、s. Three children are apparently being detained, including a 13-year-old, several of the detainees are aged over 70, and one claims to be over 100. Courtrooms are being built to try six detainees, including two British subjects who have been declared eligible for trial by military commission. There

33、have been 32 reported suicide attempts. Yet the administration is literally pouring concrete around its detention policy, spending another $ 25m on buildings in Guantdnamo that will increase the detention capacity to 1,100. (D) In two cases that are quickly working their way to the Supreme Court, Ya

34、sser Hamdi and Jose Padilla are two American citizens on American soil who have been designated as enemy combatants, and who have been accorded no legal channels to assert their rights. The racial disparities in the use of the enemy combatant label are glaring. Contrast, for example, the treatment o

35、f Mr Hamdi, from Louisiana but of Saudi Arabian ancestry, with that of John Walker Lindh, the famous American Taliban, who is a white American from a comfortable family in the San Francisco Bay area. Both are American citizens; both were captured in Afghanistan in late 33.Rights to remember NEW HN,

36、CONNECTICUT One element of this doctrine is what I call Achilles and his heel. September 11th brought upon America, as once upon Achilles, a schizophrenic sense of both exceptional power and exceptional vulnerability. Never has a superpower seemed so powerful and so vulnerable at the same time. The

37、Bush doctrine asked: How can we use our superpower resources to protect our vulnerability The administration has also radically shifted its emphasis on human rights. In 1941, Franklin Delano Roosevelt called the allies to arms by painting a vision of the world we were trying to make: a post-war worl

38、d of four fundamental freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, freedom from fear. This framework foreshadowed the post-war human-rights construct-embedded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international covenants that emphasised comprehensive pro

39、tection of civil and political rights (freedom of speech and religion), economic, social and cultural rights (freedom from want), and freedom from gross violations and persecution (the Refugee Convention, the Genocide Convention and the Torture Convention). But Bush administration officials have now

40、 reprioritised freedom from fear as the number-one freedom we need to preserve. Freedom from fear has become the obsessive watchword of Americas human-rights policy. Witness five faces of a human-rights policy fixated on freedom from fear. (A) Two core tenets of a post-Watergate world had been that

41、our government does not spy on its citizens, and that American citizens should see what our government is doing. But since September 11th, classification of government documents has risen to new heights. The Patriot Act, passed almost without dissent after September 11th, authorises the Defence Depa

42、rtment to develop a project to promote something called total information awareness. Under this programme, the government may gather huge amounts of information about citizens without proving they have done anything wrong. They can access a citizens records-whether telephone, financial, rental, inte

43、rnet, medical, educational or library-without showing any involvement with terrorism. Internet service providers may be forced to produce records based solely on FBI declarations that the information is for an anti-terrorism investigation. Many absurdities follow: the Lawyers Committee for Human Rig

44、hts, in a study published in September, reports that 20 American peace activists, including nuns and high-school students, were recently flagged as security threats and detained for saying that they were travelling to a rally to protest against military aid to Colombia. The entire high-school wrestl

45、ing team of Juneau, Alaska, was held up at airports seven times just because one member was the son of a retired Coast Guard officer on the FBI watch-list. (B) After September 11th, 1,200 immigrants were detained, more than 750 on charges based solely on civil immigration violations. The Justice Dep

46、artments own inspector general called the attorney generals enforcement of immigration laws indiscriminate and haphazard. The Immigration and Naturalisation Service, which formerly had a mandate for humanitarian relief as well as for border protection, has been converted into an arm of the Departmen

47、t of Homeland Security. The impact on particular groups has been devastating. The number of refugees resettled in America declined from 90,000 a year before September 11th to less than a third that number, 27,000, this year. The Pakistani population of Atlantic County, New Jersey has fallen by half. (C) Some 660 prisoners from 42 countries are being held in Guantanamo Bay, some for nearly two years. Three children are apparently

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