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1、2023年日本国会演讲|名人演讲：国会大厦告别演讲道格拉斯麦克阿瑟(douglas macarthur)，美国陆军五星上将。出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。 提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（old soldiers never die, they just
2、fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为老兵不死著名演讲。 我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。我从军是在本世纪开始之前，而这是我童年的希望与梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来，这个世界已经过多次变化，而我的希望与梦想早已消逝，但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词，极为自豪地宣示“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”。 i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the cent
3、ury, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which pr
4、oclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away. 就像这首歌中的老兵，一位想尽一已之责的老兵，而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任，而我现在结束了军旅生涯，而逐渐凋谢。 and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see tha
5、t duty. 演讲全文：macarthur: farewell address to congress mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress: i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride - humility in the weight of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me;
6、pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite
7、 beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoi
8、nt of a fellow american. i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster f
9、or the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we
10、cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater expression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you
11、 can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe. beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now existi
12、ng there, he must comprehend something of asias past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such a
13、s guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. mustering half of the e
14、arths population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to t
15、he concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. in this situation, it becomes vital that our ow
16、n country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and sup
17、port - not imperious direction - the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in wars wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples stri
18、ve for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own na
19、tional security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism. of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course
20、 of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the literal line of the americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness alon
21、g which the enemy could and did attack. the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat
22、 to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from th
23、is island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore - with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore - and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific. any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort.* no
24、amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failur
25、e. under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. it envisions no at
26、tack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major
27、 breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment. this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military
28、urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington. to understand the changes
29、which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-existent,
30、as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang ka
31、i-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts an
32、d in their ideals. they now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust
33、for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and
34、eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the ag
35、gressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time. the japanese people, since the war, ha
36、ve undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in wars wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the
37、 ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the uni
38、versal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communis
39、m within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no na
40、tion more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation
41、 will grow in the longer aftermath of wars terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them - as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral
42、 leadership in asia is unlimited. on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administ
43、ration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the p
44、residents decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior gr
45、ound forces. this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. such decision
46、s have not been forthcoming. while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had
47、defeated the old. apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a na
48、val blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of chinas coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy. for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and a