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1、 Critique of the Gotha Programme CONTENTS Foreword Letter to Bracke Part I Labor is the source of wealth and all culture,and since useful labor is possible only in society and through society,the proceeds of labor belong undiminished with equal right to all members of society.In present-day society,
2、the instruments of labor are the monopoly of the capitalist class;the resulting dependence of the working class is the cause of misery and servitude in all forms.The emancipation of labor demands the promotion of the instruments of labor to the common property of society and the co-operative regulat
3、ion of the total labor,with a fair distribution of the proceeds of labor.The emancipation of labor must be the work of the working class,relative to which all other classes are only one reactionary mass.The working class strives for its emancipation first of all within the framework of the present-d
4、ay national states,conscious that the necessary result of its efforts,which are common to the workers of all civilized countries,will be the international brotherhood of peoples.Part II Starting from these basic principles,the German workers party strives by all legal means for the free stateandsoci
5、alist society:that abolition of the wage system together with the iron law of wages andexploitation in every form;the elimination of all social and political inequality.Part III The German Workers party,in order to pave the way to the solution of the social question,demands the establishment of prod
6、ucers co-operative societies with state aid under the democratic control of the toiling people.The producers co-operative societies are to be called into being for industry and agriculture on such a scale that the socialist organization of the total labor will arise from them.Part IV The free basis
7、of the state.The German Workers party demands as the intellectual and ethical basis of the state Appendix Normal working day.Restriction of female labor and prohibition of child labor.State supervision of factory,workshop,and domestic industry.Regulation of prison labor.An effective liability law.Fo
8、reword The manuscript published here the covering letter to Bracke as well as the critique of the draft programme was sent in 1875,shortly before the Gotha Unity Congress,to Bracke for communication to Geib,Auer,Bebel1,and Liebknecht and subsequent return to Marx.Since the Halle Party Congress has p
9、ut the discussion of the Gotha Programme on the agenda of the Party,I think I would be guilty of suppression if I any longer withheld from publicity this important perhaps the most important document relevant to this discussion.But the manuscript has yet another and more far-reaching significance.He
10、re for the first time Marxs attitude to the line adopted by Lassalle in his agitation from the very beginning is clearly and firmly set forth,both as regards Lassalles economic principles and his tactics.The ruthless severity with which the draft programme is dissected here,the mercilessness with wh
11、ich the results obtained are enunciated and the shortcomings of the draft laid bare all this today,after fifteen years,can no longer give offence.Specific Lassalleans now exist only abroad as isolated ruins,and in Halle the Gotha Programme was given up even by its creators as altogether inadequate.N
12、evertheless,I have omitted a few sharp personal expressions and judgments where these were immaterial,and replaced them by dots.Marx himself would have done so if he had published the manuscript today.The violence of the language in some passages was provoked by two circumstances.In the first place,
13、Marx and I had been more intimately connected with the German movement than with any other;we were,therefore,bound to be particularly perturbed by the decidedly retrograde step manifested by this draft programme.And secondly,we were at that time,hardly two years after the Hague Congress of the Inter
14、national,engaged in the most violent struggle against Bakunin and his anarchists,who made us responsible for everything that happened in the labour movement in Germany;hence we had to expect that we would also be addled with the secret paternity of this programme.These considerations do not now exis
15、t and so there is no necessity for the passages in question.For reasons arising form the Press Law,also,a few sentences have been indicated only by dots.Where I have had to choose a milder expression this has been enclosed in square brackets.Otherwise the text has been reproduced word for word.Londo
16、n,January 6,1891 Notes 1.Before the Critique of the Gotha Programme was written,Engels wrote a letter to August Bebel expressing Marx and Engels surprise at the programme,and going on to criticise it.(Back)Letter to Bracke London,5 May 1875 Dear Bracke,When you have read the following critical margi
17、nal notes on the Unity Programme,would you be so good as to send them on to Geib and Auer,Bebel and Liebknecht for examination.I am exceedingly busy and have to overstep by far the limit of work allowed me by the doctors.Hence it was anything but a“pleasure“to write such a lengthy creed.It was,howev
18、er,necessary so that the steps to be taken by me later on would not be misinterpreted by our friend sin the Party for whom this communication is intended.After the Unity Congress has been held,Engels and I will publish a short statement to the effect that our position is altogether remote form the s
19、aid programme of principle and that we have nothing to do with it.This is indispensable because the opinion the entirely erroneous opinion is held abroad and assiduously nurtured by enemies of the Party that we secretly guide from here the movement of the so-called Eisenach Party German Social-Democ
20、ratic Workers Party.In a Russian book Statism and Anarchy that has recently appeared,Bakunin still makes me responsible,for example,not only for all the programmes,etc.,of that party but even for every step taken by Liebknecht from the day of his cooperation with the Peoples Party.Apart from this,it
21、 is my duty not to give recognition,even by diplomatic silence,to what in my opinion is a thoroughly objectionable programme that demoralises the Party.Every step of real movement is more important than a dozen programmes.If,therefore,it was not possible and the conditions of the item did not permit
22、 it to go beyond the Eisenach programme,one should simply have concluded an agreement for action against the common enemy.But by drawing up a programme of principles(instead of postponing this until it has been prepared for by a considerable period of common activity)one sets up before the whole wor
23、ld landmarks by which it measures the level of the Party movement.The Lassallean leaders came because circumstances forced them to.If they had been told in advance that there would be haggling about principles,they would have had to be content with a programme of action or a plan of organisation for
24、 common action.Instead of this,one permits them to arrive armed with mandates,recognises these mandates on ones part as binding,and thus surrenders unconditionally to those who are themselves in need of help.To crown the whole business,they are holding a congress before the Congress of Compromise,wh
25、ile ones own party is holding its congress post festum.One had obviously had a desire to stifle all criticism and to give ones own party no opportunity for reflection.One knows that the mere fact of unification is satisfying to the workers,but it is a mistake to believe that this momentary success i
26、s not bought too dearly.For the rest,the programme is no good,even apart from its sanctification of the Lassallean articles of faith.I shall be sending you in the near future the last parts of the French edition of Capital.The printing was held up for a considerable time by a ban of the French Gover
27、nment.The thing will be ready this week or the beginning of next week.Have you received the previous six parts?Please let me have the address of Bernhard Becker,to whom I must also send the final parts.The bookshop of the Volksstaat has peculiar ways of doing things.Up to this moment,for example,I h
28、ave not been sent a single copy of the Cologne Communist Trial.With best regards,Yours,Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme 1 Part I 1.“Labor is the source of wealth and all culture,and since useful labor is possible only in society and through society,the proceeds of labor belong undiminished
29、with equal right to all members of society.“First part of the paragraph:“Labor is the source of all wealth and all culture.“Labor is not the source of all wealth.Nature is just as much the source of use values(and it is surely of such that material wealth consists!)as labor,which itself is only the
30、manifestation of a force of nature,human labor power.the above phrase is to be found in all childrens primers and is correct insofar as it is implied that labor is performed with the appurtenant subjects and instruments.But a socialist program cannot allow such bourgeois phrases to pass over in sile
31、nce the conditions that lone give them meaning.And insofar as man from the beginning behaves toward nature,the primary source of all instruments and subjects of labor,as an owner,treats her as belonging to him,his labor becomes the source of use values,therefore also of wealth.The bourgeois have ver
32、y good grounds for falsely ascribing supernatural creative power to labor;since precisely from the fact that labor depends on nature it follows that the man who possesses no other property than his labor power must,in all conditions of society and culture,be the slave of other men who have made them
33、selves the owners of the material conditions of labor.He can only Critique of the Gotha Programme 2 work with their permission,hence live only with their permission.Let us now leave the sentence as it stands,or rather limps.What could one have expected in conclusion?Obviously this:“Since labor is th
34、e source of all wealth,no one in society can appropriate wealth except as the product of labor.Therefore,if he himself does not work,he lives by the labor of others and also acquires his culture at the expense of the labor of others.“Instead of this,by means of the verbal river“and since“,a proposit
35、ion is added in order to draw a conclusion from this and not from the first one.Second part of the paragraph:“Useful labor is possible only in society and through society.“According to the first proposition,labor was the source of all wealth and all culture;therefore no society is possible without l
36、abor.Now we learn,conversely,that no“useful“labor is possible without society.One could just as well have said that only in society can useless and even socially harmful labor become a branch of gainful occupation,that only in society can one live by being idle,etc.,etc.in short,once could just as w
37、ell have copied the whole of Rousseau.And what is“useful“labor?Surely only labor which produces the intended useful result.A savage and man was a savage after he had ceased to be an ape Critique of the Gotha Programme 3 who kills an animal with a stone,who collects fruit,etc.,performs“useful“labor.T
38、hirdly,the conclusion:“Useful labor is possible only in society and through society,the proceeds of labor belong undiminished with equal right to all members of society.“A fine conclusion!If useful labor is possible only in society and through society,the proceeds of labor belong to society and only
39、 so much therefrom accrues to the individual worker as is not required to maintain the“condition“of labor,society.In fact,this proposition has at all times been made use of by the champions of the state of society prevailing at any given time.First comes the claims of the government and everything t
40、hat sticks to it,since it is the social organ for the maintenance of the social order;then comes the claims of the various kinds of private property,for the various kinds of private property are the foundations of society,etc.One sees that such hollow phrases are the foundations of society,etc.One s
41、ees that such hollow phrases can be twisted and turned as desired.The first and second parts of the paragraph have some intelligible connection only in the following wording:“Labor becomes the source of wealth and culture only as social labor“,or,what is the same thing,“in and through society“.Criti
42、que of the Gotha Programme 4 This proposition is incontestably correct,for although isolated labor(its material conditions presupposed)can create use value,it can create neither wealth nor culture.But equally incontestable is this other proposition:“In proportion as labor develops socially,and becom
43、es thereby a source of wealth and culture,poverty and destitution develop among the workers,and wealth and culture among the nonworkers.“This is the law of all history hitherto.What,therefore,had to be done here,instead of setting down general phrases about“labor“and“society“,was to prove concretely
44、 how in present capitalist society the material,etc.,conditions have at last been created which enable and compel the workers to lift this social curse.In fact,however,the whole paragraph,bungled in style and content,is only there in order to inscribe the Lassallean catchword of the“undiminished pro
45、ceeds of labor“as a slogan at the top of the party banner.I shall return later to the“proceeds of labor“,“equal right“,etc.,since the same thing recurs in a somewhat different form further on.2.“In present-day society,the instruments of labor are the monopoly of the capitalist class;the resulting de
46、pendence of the working class is the cause of misery and servitude in all forms.“This sentence,borrowed from the Rules of the International,is incorrect in this“improved“edition.Critique of the Gotha Programme 5 In present-day society,the instruments of labor are the monopoly of the landowners(the m
47、onopoly of property in land is even the basis of the monopoly of capital)and the capitalists.In the passage in question,the Rules of the International do not mention either one or the other class of monopolists.They speak of the“monopolizer of the means of labor,that is,the sources of life.“The addi
48、tion,“sources of life“,makes it sufficiently clear that land is included in the instruments of labor.The correction was introduced because Lassalle,for reasons now generally known,attacked only the capitalist class and not the landowners.In England,the capitalist class is usually not even the owner
49、of the land on which his factory stands.3.“The emancipation of labor demands the promotion of the instruments of labor to the common property of society and the co-operative regulation of the total labor,with a fair distribution of the proceeds of labor.“Promotion of the instruments of labor to the
50、common property“ought obviously to read their“conversion into the common property“;but this is only passing.What are the“proceeds of labor“?The product of labor,or its value?And in the latter case,is it the total value of the product,or only that part of the value which labor has newly added to the