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1、第二单元时事评论第三课英语时事评论汉译英汉比照赏析 一、英语原文Avoiding a US-China Cold War (Excerpt)防止美中冷战(节选)By Henry A. Kissinger1 The upcoming summit between the American and Chinese presidents is to take place while progress is being made in resolving many of the issues before them, and a positive communique is probable. Yet
2、 both leaders also face an opinion among elites in their countries emphasizing conflict rather than cooperation.美国总统和中国国家主席即将举行首脑会谈，两国在解决相互间的许多问题上正取得进展，发表一项积极的公报是 有可能的。然而两位领导人也面临各自国内精英阶层强调冲突而非合作的舆论。2 Most Chinese I encounter outside of government, and some in government, seem convinced that the Unit
3、ed States to contain China and to constrict its rise. American strategic thinkers are calling attention to China/s increasing global economic reach and the growing capability of its military forces.我遇到大多数非政府人士的中国人，以及某些中国政府内部人士，似乎认定美国谋求遏制中国并约束中国的崛起。 美国的战略思想家们那么呼吁关注中国日益增强的全球经济影响力及其日益强大的军事力量。3 Care mus
4、t be taken lest both sides analyze themselves into self-fulfilling prophecies. The nature of globalization and the reach of modern technology oblige the United States and China to interact around the world. A Cold War between them would bring about an international choosing of sides, spreading dispu
5、tes into internal politics of every region at a time when issues such as nuclear proliferation, the environment, energy and climate require a comprehensive global solution. 双方必须慎重，以免不知不觉地让预言成为现实。全球化的特性和现代化技术的影响范围迫使美国和中国在全世界 产生互动。他们之间的冷战将使国际社会选择支持某一方，使各地区的内部政治在核扩散、环境、能源和气候问题 需要一个全面的国际解决方案之际陷入争论。4 Con
6、flict is not inherent in a nations rise. The United States in the 20th century is an example of a state achieving eminence without conflict with the then-dominant countries. Nor was the often-cited German-British conflict inevitable. Thoughtless and provocative policies played a role in transforming
7、 European diplomacy into a zero-sum game.国家的崛起并非必然伴随着冲突。20世纪的美国就是一个例证，它在脱颖而出的过程中并没有与当时占据主导地位 的国家发生冲突。经常被人提起的德英冲突当初也并非不可防止。轻率而又带挑衅性的政策对于欧洲那场由外交战 演变而成的得失相抵的较量负有一定责任。5 Sino-US relations need not take such a turn. On most contemporary issues, the two countries cooperate adequately; what the two countrie
8、s lack is an overarching concept for their interaction. During the Cold War, a common adversary supplied the bond. Common concepts have not yet emerged from the multiplicity of new tasks facing a globalized world undergoing political, economic and technological upheaval.中美关系不必如此。在大多数当代问题上，两国能充分合作；它们
9、缺少的是一个总体上的互动理念。冷战时期，有 一个共同的对手发挥了纽带作用。而我们这个全球化的世界正在经历着政治、经济和技术的剧变，对于它所面临的 形形色色的新任务，尚未显现出共识。6 That is not a simple matter. For it implies subordinating national aspirations to a vision of a global order. 这可不是一件简单的事情，因为它意味着使国家志向附属于一种全球秩序的构想。7 Neither the United States nor China has experience in such a
10、 task. Each assumes its national values to be both unique and of a kind to which other peoples naturally aspire. Reconciling the two versions of exceptionalism is the deepest challenge of the Sino-American relationship.面对这样一个任务，美国和中国都没有经验。它们都认为自己国家的价值观独一无二，是其他民族理所当然所向往 的。调和这两种例外论是中美关系的最深刻挑战。8 Americ
11、ans exceptionalism finds it natural to condition its conduct toward other societies on their acceptance of American values. Most Chinese see their countrys rise not as a challenge to America but as heralding a return to the normal state of affairs when China was preeminent. In the Chinese view, it i
12、s the past 200 years of relative weakness-not Chinas current resurgence-that represent an abnormality. (from The Washington Post Jan. 14, 2011)美国的例外论认为，它对待其他社会的方式理所当然取决于它们是否接受美国的价值观。大多数中国人那么认为，他 们国家的崛起不是对美国的挑战，而是预示着回归中国出类拔萃的正常状态。在中国人看来，不正常的是中国在过 去200年里的相对弱势，而不是它当前的重振雄风。(选自英语文摘，2011年第三期，何金娥 译)汉英翻译实践A
13、voiding a US-China Cold War (Continued)By Henry A. Kissinger防止美中冷战一一亨利基辛格America historically has acted as if it could participate in or withdraw from international affairs at will. In the Chinese perception of itself as the Middle Kingdom, the idea of the sovereign equality of states was unknown. U
14、ntil the end of the 19th century, China treated foreign countries as various categories of vassals. China never encountered a country of comparable magnitude until European armies imposed an end to its seclusion. A foreign ministry was not established until 1861, and then primarily for dealing with
15、colonialist invaders.美国历来的表现就好像它可以随心所欲地参与或退出国际事务。中国人过去自视为“中央王国”，在他们的脑 海里，国家的主权平等是闻所未闻的概念。直到19世纪末，中国一直把外国当成各种附庸。在欧洲国家军队打破 它的与世隔绝状态之前，中国从未遇到过面积与之相当的国家。中国直到1861年才设立了外交部门，当时主要负 责与殖民主义侵略者打交道。America has found most problems it recognized as soluble. China, in its history of millennia, came to believe that
16、 few problems have ultimate solutions. America has a problem-solving approach; China is comfortable managing contradictions without assuming they are resolvable.美国发现大多数难题都是可以解决的。中国在几千年历史中逐渐认定，几乎所有难题都没有最终解决方法。美 国主张解决难题，中国那么满足于控制矛盾而不认为矛盾是可以解决的。American diplomacy pursues specific outcomes with single-m
17、inded determination. Chinese negotiators are more likely to view the process as combining political, economic and strategic elements and to seek outcomes via an extended process. American negotiators become restless and impatient with deadlocks; Chinese negotiators consider them the inevitable mecha
18、nism of negotiation. American negotiators represent a society that has never suffered national catastrophe -except the Civil War, which is not viewed as an international experience. Chinese negotiators cannot forget the century of humiliation when foreign armies exacted tribute from a prostrate Chin
19、a. Chinese leaders are extremely sensitive to the slightest implication of condescension and are apt to translate American insistence as lack of respect, (from The Washington Post, Jan.14,2011)美国的外交一心一意追求明确结果。中国的谈判代表可能会把这个过程看作是汇总政治、经济和战略因素并谋 求通过更大范围的程序来取得结果。美国谈判代表对僵局变得焦躁不安，中国谈判代表那么认为僵局是不可防止的谈 判机制。美国
20、谈判代表所代表的社会从未遭受过国家灾难一一除了南北战争，没有人把它看作国际事件。中国谈判 代表忘不了外国列强向一蹶不振的中国索要钱财的百年屈辱。中国领导人对哪怕最细微的傲慢态度都极为敏感，往往把美国人的坚持己见理解为缺乏尊重。The Other Asia (Excerpt)By Ejaz Ghani另一个亚洲埃贾兹加尼South Asia presents a depressing paradox. It is among the fastest growing regions in the world, but it is also home to the largest concentra
21、tion of people living in debilitating poverty, conflict, and human misery. While South Asia is far more developed than Sub-Saharan Africa, and lndia(the largest country in the region) has achieved lower middle-income status, South Asia has many more poor people than Sub-Sahara Africa.南亚呈现给人的是一个令人沮丧的
22、矛盾混合体。它是全球开展最快的地区之一，但也是生活在使人衰弱的贫困、 冲突和人间苦难中的最大的人群聚集区。尽管南亚远比非洲撒哈拉以南地区兴旺，而且印度（这一地区的最大国家） 也已到达中等偏下收入水平，但这里的贫困人口较之非洲撒哈拉以南地区却多得多。This raises the big question of whether the escape from poverty comes from general economic growth or from a direct attack on poverty. The answer depends on where one looks. St
23、upendous growth hides deep pockets of poverty. For the countries of South Asia, poverty has morphed from a national to a sub-national problem.着提出了一个严重问题：脱贫的最好方法到底是全面的经济开展还是直接抑制贫困。答案取决于看问题的着眼 点。经济急速开展掩盖了一方人口的极度贫困。对南亚国家来说，贫困已经从一个国家问题演变成区域性问题。Although economic growth has reduced South Asia/s poverty ra
24、te, it has not fallen fast enough to reduce the total number of poor people. The number of people living on less than $1.25 a day increased from 549 million in 1981 to 595 million in 2005. In India, which accounts for almost three-quarters of this population, the numbers increased from 420 million t
25、o 455 million during this period. Besides the slow pace of poverty reduction, human development has not kept up with pace of income growth, either.虽然经济开展以降低了南亚的贫困率，但其速度尚缺乏以减少贫困人口总数。在这里，每天生活费缺乏L25 美元的人口从1981年的5.49亿增加到2005年的5.95亿。在这些人口中，印度占了近3/4,这一时期的相应数字也 从4.2亿增加到4.55亿。除了减贫速度缓慢之外，人类开展也没有跟上收入增长的步伐。The
26、re are more than 250 million children in South Asia who are undernourished, and more than 30 million children who do not go to school. Over one-third of adult women are anemic. The share of female employment in total employment is among the lowest in the world. (from Project Syndicate, Oct, 19, 2010
27、)在南亚，超过2.5亿儿童营养不良，3000多万孩子失学，超过1/3的成年女性患贫血症，女性就业人口占全体 就业人口的比例在全球也是最低之一。课汉语时事评论英译汉英比照赏析一、汉语原文警惕逐渐拉开的贫富差距中央党校社会学室吴忠民1改革开放以来，中国社会经济迅速开展，取得了举世公认的成就.但一个明显的事实是，同经济开展相比，社会开展明 显滞后.这突出表现为贫富差距的拉开幅度过大。根据联合国开发计划署的统计数字，中国目前的基尼系数为0.45, 占总人口 20%的最贫困人口占收入或消费的份额只有4.7%,而占人口 20%最富裕人口占收入或消费的份额高达50%。 据此看来，中国社会的贫富差距已经突破了
28、合理的限度。2在短短二十多年的时间里，中国已经从一个平均主义盛行的国家，转变为贫富差距扩大现象严重、收入差距超过 国际上中等不平等程度的国家。究其原因，大致有这样几个：其一，对于高收入群体缺乏合理的、必要的“限高”。 本来国家通过健全的税收制度，可以缓解贫富差距问题，但是目前中国的税收制度并不健全。根据学者的研究，近 年来全国平均每年流失的各类税收为5700亿6800亿元，占国民生产总值的7.6%9.1%。其中，平均每年少征收的 关税为1500亿2000亿元，少征收的增值税为1500亿2000亿元，少征收的营业税为1000亿元左右，少征收的资 源税(如土地、能源、资源等紧缺资源税收)在1000
29、亿元左右。另外，中国的地下经济十分严重，地下经济偷漏 税流失额在700亿800亿元之间。国家税收的严重流失，一方面使一局部人的财富迅速加大，另一方面又使国家缺 乏必要的再分配能力，难以有效地援助弱势群体，最终加大了贫富的差距。3其二，对于基础阶层来说缺乏必要的“兜底”。同国民经济开展幅度相比，中国的社会保障事业以及社会转移支 付表现出一种明显滞后的情形。在这种情况下，农民、城镇的退休人员、城镇的失业人员及其亲属最有可能称为贫 困者，从而使整个社会的贫富差距迅速拉大。4其三，经济领域当中存在着许多不平等的竞争。不平等竞争表现在很多方面，最突出的是一些部门、行业甚至是 一些个别的社会成员，能够通过
30、垄断经营获得垄断的收入差距。比方，一些借助国家特许经营的垄断行业就获得了 “暴利”。在全国各行业、邮电通讯业、电力部门等等。甚至连一些社会公共事业部门，如某些公共教育机构、某 些公共医疗机构，也存在利用行业垄断的地位而索取高额利润的情况。(选自新华社瞭望新闻周刊，2005年8 月11日)二、英语译文Guard Against a Growing Gap Between Affluence and PovertyBy Wu Zhongmin(A teacher of Sociology in the Central Party School)Ever since the reform and o
31、pening-up, China has made great achievements in its social and economic development, which have won worldwide recognition. Yet, it is obvious that its social development is lagging behind that of its economy. This is manifested in the excessive gap between the rich and the poor. Statistics made by t
32、he United Nations Development Programme shows that China/s current Gini coefficient is 0.45, with the income or consumption of the poorest, who make up 20% of the total population, accounting for merely 4.7% of the total, while that of the wealthiest, who make up the same percentage, accounting for
33、as much as 50%。 Thus the rich-poor disparity has overstepped a reasonable limit.1 Just in a short period of over two decades China has changed from a country of prevalent egalitarianism into one with a seriously widened gap between affluence and poverty, its income difference surpassing that of coun
34、tries with a medium level of inequality. This may be attributed mainly to the following reasons.2 Firstly, there is not a reasonable and necessary upper limit for the high-income group. The rich-poor disparity could have been reduced by means of a sound tax system, but unfortunately, Chinas tax syst
35、em at present is far from perfect. Research indicates that annual drain of all kinds of taxes in recent years averages 570-680 billion yuan, taking 7.6-9.1% of the GNP. Among them, the losses of customs duty and value added tax ate respectively 150-200 billion yuan, and that of business tax and reso
36、urce (such as land, energy and natural resources that are in short supply) tax are respectively 100 billion yuan or more. In addition, as there exists a serious problem of illegal underground economy in China, tax evasion in this respect amounted to 70-80 billion yuan annually. Such heavy losses of
37、revenue have resulted in the rapid wealth accumulation of some people on the one hand, and the inability of the state to implement a redistribution of wealth on the other. This has made it difficult to effectively aid the disadvantaged group and, in turn, has led to a widened wealth gap.3 Secondly,
38、we are in need of a necessary /guaranteed income system for people at the bottom level. Chinas social security undertakings and its social transfer payments are obviously lagging behind the development of its national economy. Under such circumstances, the farmers, the retired and unemployed townspe
39、ople as well as their relatives are most likely to become impoverished, so that the wealth gap of the whole society are rapidly growing wider.4 Thirdly, there exists a lot of unfair competition in the economy. The most conspicuous is that some government departments, trades or, even, a few individua
40、ls can make monopoly or huge profits by means of monopolized operation, while other groups and individuals cannot. In this way, a very unreasonable income difference is formed. For example, some franchise industries have reaped colossal profits. In statistics for all trades and professions, the inco
41、mes of employees in various monopoly trades always appear amongst the top few, such as those from the trades of air transport, transportation management, post and telecommunications, and power, etc. Even some public institutions, such as schools or hospitals, have made huge profits with help of thei
42、r monopolist positions. (translated by Meng Qingsheng)汉英翻译实践市场不是一切(节选)吴假设增The Market Isnt Everything(Excerpt)By Wu Ruozeng已经看得越来越清楚了，市场不是万能的，也有它的局限。因此，采取立法手段，或使用国家宏观调控手段， 对涉及到国计民生的某些领域进行社会调节，就是非常必要的了。比方说：看病问题、住房问题、教育问题。It has become more and more clear that the market is not all-powerful and that it
43、 has certain limitations. In view of this fact, legislative or state macro-control measures should be taken to implement social regulations in fields such as medical care, housing problem and childrens schooling, all of which have a direct bearing on the nations economy and the peoples livelihood.这三
44、个问题，都是涉及到国计民生的基础性问题，直接关系到每一位国民的生活甚至是生存，其重要性怎么说 都不过分。在过去计划经济条件下，在城市里虽系人人有份，却是低质量的。现在随着改革开放以来的经济开展， 质量的改善的条件和可能已与过去不可同日而语、因此，理应进一步造福全民。然而如果在认识上发生偏颇，却可 能使其步入误区，造成新的社会不公平。这个偏颇与误区，就是可以把它们完全地抛入市场。These three basic matters are all directly related to the life, or even, the survival of every fellow countrym
45、an. Their importance cannot, therefore, be overestimated. Although in the past, during the era of the planned economy, every urban resident had a share of social welfare, it was welfare of low quality. Nowadays, with the economic development that has occurred since the beginning of reform and openin
46、g-up, the possibility of improvement in these areas has become greater than ever before, which should bring further benefit to the people. Yet, if our understanding regarding these matters becomes distorted, we may form mistaken ideas and, through them, create new social injustice. One such biased u
47、nderstanding is the mistaken idea that all these matters can be solved through the market alone.市场经济取代计划经济，极大地解放了生产力。这一点，已为时间所证明。但实践也证明，在我们施行社会主 义市场经济的时候，决不可患上“市场崇拜症”，以为一切都可以通过市场来解决。The replacement of the planned economy with the market economy has greatly liberated the productive forces. This has b
48、een verified through practice. However, practice has also proved that, while implementing the socialist market economy, we should avoid the tendency towards market worship一taking it for granted that everything can be solved through the market.毋庸讳言，这几年广大中低收入者，也就是中国普通民众，越来越为看病问题、住房问题、子女上学问题所苦。 乃至这三个问题
49、，已经成为了影响社会稳定的因素。为此，全国上下以及媒体都在进行认真的研讨，以求解决之策。 在我看来，问题出在某些专家、学者所患“市场崇拜症”上(选自英语学习，2006年第8期)There is no denying that, during the past few years, the broad masses of people with low or medium income, that is , the ordinary Chinese people, have been harassed more and more by such problems as medical care, housing and schooling of their children. These three problems have even become factors affecting our social stability. Fo